Connecticut Senate Democrats Guide to the Connecticut State Budget
Connecticut Senate Republicans POV: The Dysfunctional Budget Process
The collection of data from pre-school to career is an affront to personal privacy. I also find the ‘standards’-based test consortiums responsible for stunting learning in schools, and driving costs in new books, materials and programs to mitigate their damage.
Our state needs it’s share of returns from the federal government for the purposes of public education, but not with this program as the mandate. It is the Constitutional privilege of the state to set it’s own education standards, and it should abandon the top down effort offered by trade organizations to make policy, in favor of crafting it’s own rigorous standards and curriculum, absent their presence. And the government should return it’s share to the state for that purpose.
I would support an alternative to Common Core which returns the classics to the classroom.
I favor a delay in implementation, and an accessible time period for public comment.
Instead, the implement and spin to get parents to accept Common Core, post facto.
Participation in modern American society is cash dependent; we operate in a system which requires one to determine a role for oneself by which to earn currency. Where it was once possible to be “self-made” many people are essentially coerced into a position that they are told is in demand…not necessarily one that suits them, psychologically.
Many people are throttled through a University system because it has become the cultural norm. But, in some respect, education, higher-ed, jobs training, and the “job hunt” have become monotonous, impertinent, and “un-fruitful.”
When 1 in 4 faces un(der)employment, those with a job are compelled to keep theirs, if only for the sake of income or health insurance (both often the subject of complaint). We resign ourselves to “mandatory overtime” “credit checks” “drug tests” “90 day probations” no “paid vacation” and a host of other invasions and insults… for the privilege of participating in this consumer economy… and enriching the capital/investor/elite.
This intimidating process is compounded by exorbitant wealth disparity; many eat in this country…while some watch with an empty stomach. The hungry are among us and forced to engage in a cultural norm that is responsible (in part) for their misery. “Them being in the wrong…” for not having met the “success” of their contemporaries, the indignant are forced to rely on public services or literal hand-out…further burdening the psyche. This madness can’t be the natural order.
I can go on for days about this, but:
100% employment is possible.
Dream jobs, vacations, ect. ALL possible.
in some combination of a resourced-based economy (hemp), political wherewithal, and good governance…free of the corrupting influence of large corporate donations.
image attribution and further discussion: HERE
An example of a landscape failure, these overpasses were designed on Robert Moses highway building principles. These “exits to nowhere” were supposed to connect to a circumferential loop around the city of Hartford. The loops were never completed and this portion of I-84 remained as a curiosity. The creation of the Sisson Overpasses demolished neighborhoods and forced the burial of an urban river. The ramps are well past their lifespan and either need extensive repair, or repurpose. There is no inexpensive fix.
Bring I-84 To Ground In Hartford
Remove Viaduct, Restore Downtown Hartford Connections
October 24, 2010 | Hartford Courant | By Tom Condon
This is the pathway from South Garage to the Arjona building.
I chose this as UConn’s “Garden of Eden” because it is the one location on campus that seems to mute the ever present construction noise. It is less traveled than most of the other central campus routes, and moments from the library.
The walkway has multiple entry points and intersections with other walkways and avenues. There are boundaries, defined by the sidewalks and grass patches, and the buildings alongside define the edges.
Squirrels rule the grounds here and the location serves as a UConn sanctuary.
For the budget hearing assignment, our group decided to attend the town budget hearing for the City of West Hartford. The City has a population of 66k, surpassing the criteria of the assignment and well represents a median sampling of statewide town budgeting. Taking classes at a nearby UConn satellite campus, our groupmate, Christian, was able to witness and tape record the hearing, as well as collect additional materials describing the Proposed City Budget. At the hearing, he was able to observe a number of citizens express their input and concerns regarding the proposed budget for 2012. Representing the town of West Hartford was the Mayor Scott Slifka who chaired the town meeting.
Rather than addressing each budget item individually, the Mayor invited City residents to participate by signing up to speak publically on the item of their choosing. Easily witnessed in all of the proceedings were the passions of each speakers concern—city/small town politics are surprising loud. At the hearing, a number of citizens expressed public concern for the proposed budget; specifically on topics they felt were not adequately taken into consideration. Certain individuals commanded time well beyond their allotment, and through a listening of the recordings of the event, it is apparent that not everyone would be able to get all that they wanted to express heard.
One case that dominated the hearing addressed the “fair assessment” of property taxes within the City. Local resident, Mr. Robert Melon, brought this matter up when comparing the property tax rate of West Hartford to four times that of Greenwich, Connecticut where the mill rate hovers at around $8. Mr. Melon claims through his research that properties in West Hartford which were improperly assessed in value (Lewis-Hildreth,315.) could have resulted in more revenue for the City. It was his suggestion that proper evaluations of properties, and the revenue gain therein, would be preferable to any raise in mill rate (Lewis-Hildreth,326.) However, like Mr. Melon says, “this does not make a contribution to this budget.” It is a matter of revenue “collection,” and not the agenda matter of the hearing. Others came forth to speak, but similarly, they strayed from the matter of the budget towards their cause of choice—with apparent practice.
In our evaluation of the material provided at the meeting, we were able to make some observations on the state of West Hartford’s budget stability. Differences between the adopted FY ‘10/11 budget versus the FY ‘11/12 show increased expenditures and increased revenue to match. Total increases for the proposed budget of FY ‘11/12 of $5.6 million dollars are shown across a number of categories including wages, operating costs, and benefits. These express a 5.8% rise in spending over the prior fiscal year. If the trend follows, the City of West Harford could likely see future tax increases match the gap. This will affect a rise in the collection property taxes, which are the primary source of revenue for the City. Also, decreases to the capital financing budget may also lead to disinvestment in City and school system infrastructure maintenance. Decreases in expenditures to items such as “Community Services,” “Human and Leisure Services,” and Town Clerk operations project a decrease in services, provided, relative to the prior FY.
Community Party
Analysis of the CHRO & AAAC Anti-Discrimination Police/Community Forum
24 June, 2010 3:00-5:00pm Legislative Office Building
~~~
First they said it wasn’t a problem
Then they flipped it—it’s the people that lack respect
Next they say we have laws (unenforced)
Now they admit it happens
And they are “working on it”
Then they switch topic—in true diversion
And finally back to criticism on the community
Racial Profiling – Daniel Malo, 24 June, 2010
In short order, made for show; with requisite back-patting and blame shift. The forum opened with words from the director of the Connecticut Commission on Human Rights and Opportunities (CHRO). Mr. Robert Brothers began by telling an anecdote from his police officer days. It was a routine about rookie cops and cups of coffee. The reaction from the audience—a feigned laughter, the perfunctory kind. Perhaps an irrelevant joke was not the best way to begin conversation on such a serious issue.
Mr. Glenn Cassis, Executive Director of the African-American Affairs Committee (AAAC), gave a brief statement about the age of the organization and the availability of reading material for the audience. The focus then turned to the conversation at hand. From the onset, it was boasted that Connecticut was one of the least racist states, and that very few allegations of racial profiling are received by the state agency tasked to handle them (CHRO).
The CHRO backed up their assertions with a you tube clip, showing the recent immigrant marchers facing harassment from bigots bused in from out of state. Obviously, the racist behavior in the video was appalling. But we’re talking about police profiling here. The recent case of the 17 year old black girl in Seattle being punched in the face by a white officer was brought up. They declined to show that YouTube clip, however.
The three legislators and four current and former law enforcement officers on the panel went on to say that the community has lost respect for police officers and that in “their day” they would have cooperated fully, without ever questioning officer integrity. It is the fault of those being arrested—the simply lack respect. “We need to reach the kids” well, yes obviously, but the issue here is racial profiling. The issue is not just about “the children!” What about the kind older lady, Mrs. Sharp, who’s been pulled over on multiple occasions for “driving while black?”
Well, “we have laws against it.” Agencies report their arrest data, and “this hardly occurs.” “The media” is partly to blame, for sure, for twisting stories. Like the members of the panel admit, “cops are human, too.” They even “have feelings.” Yes, I don’t deny that. I’ve known plenty of law enforcement professionals, and while they are generally dry folks, I’m sure they possess feelings. For a brief movement, we are reminded of the purpose of the forum: the Penn Act gets a mention, but is summarily dropped. They are “working on racial profiling.”
It’s about “keeping the kids busy.” And oh by-the-way—there is a great swimming program—bring the children. The eloquent speaking gentleman behind me spoke of Conyers and the Civil Rights movement, and then touted the merits of his mentorship organization. A legislator suggested more cops in school. The audience suggested the cop actually teaching, rather than just waiting there for a student to arrest. Respect goes both ways.
Finally, the forum moves to Q & A, which is dominated by agency members, businessmen, and law enforcement professionals. The community is called out, again, and while I agree that “we are all family” and should treat each other as such, nothing is accomplished here in terms of a discussion about racial profiling. Amid the intra-agency back-patting and pleasantries, there was just a brief allusion to the fix, once and for all, regarding this issue. And it’s already in place.
The Alvin W. Penn Racial Profiling Prohibition Act (PA 03-160), a public act—LAW—in the State of Connecticut IS the fix. Or anyway, it is supposed to be. The State’s 110 police departments submit traffic stop data to the AAAC, which analyzes it and reports on findings of racial profiling. Oddly, for it being a state law, only 27 departments are compliant—and Hartford isn’t one of them. Again on compliance, the AAAC has been unable to review this data because they “lack the funding.”
I had my hand raised to ask the panel some questions about the Penn Act, but of course, we ran out of time, and I was left hanging. Raising their hands before me to echo their colleagues on the panel were CHRO agency members and a police officer, who won the ire of the crowd by informing everyone that “there is no law to arrest people for driving while black.” Your audience is smart enough to know that. Without a doubt, it is read between the lines, an underlying issue ignored due to inadequate examination of the issue.
I wanted to say that the Penn Act needs teeth—otherwise it is just a database of arrest/stop data. I am of the belief that if you are gonna take personal data, it should be used to an appropriate end. To what end has the data collected been used? Why have we played this charade if the answer is already out there—let’s talk about implementation. Some of the questions I had in mind would answer ‘why, this lazy approach?’, as well as address the reason why only 25% of the States police departments follow the law.
In order:
Assistant Hartford Police Chief Neal Drieff: Why is the City of Hartford—the State Capitol—not in compliance with this mandate?
Elected officials on the Panel; Reps. Robles and Lawlor, Senator Coleman: Why is the Penn data not being put to its intended use?
AAAC Executive Director Cassis: Funding? To write a report? College students do it for free… Can’t this be as simple as a Scantron?
Good afternoon and thank you; members of the Judiciary Committee, for this audience.
My name is Daniel Malo, and on behalf of myself and the global anti-prohibitionist community,
I would like to extend my SUPPORT to the following bills:
S.B. No. 952, AAC THE SALE OR POSSESSION OF DRUGS NEAR SCHOOLS
S.B. No. 953, AAC NONVIOLENT DRUG POSSESSION OFFENSES.
S.B. No. 1014, AAC THE PENALTY FOR CERTAIN NONVIOLENT DRUG OFFENSES.
S.B. No. 1015, AAC THE PALLIATIVE USE OF MARIJUANA.
H.B. No. 6566, AAC THE COMPASSIONATE USE OF MARIJUANA.
There has long been a concerted effort to undermine and prevent the use of the cannabis plant, recreationally, medically, and industrially. Criminalized for just a fraction of human history, the plant has proved itself versatile and valuable to our species for a host of reasons. Greed and the self interest of companies threatened by the potential of cannabis keep it illegal.
Recreationally, cannabis is SAFE and not the “gateway drug” it is purported to be by its opponents. Medically, cannabis treats dozens of conditions; more recently, the plant is mentioned as a having potential benefit to cancer patients, not only for treatment, but as an avenue of research in looking for a cure. Industrially, cannabis is an economic miracle, but that is not the subject of these bills.
Sadly, its industrial capability is the reason cannabis is criminalized. The only dangerous part of the plant is its criminality. Any other arguments (including moral), are “Reefer Madness.” Legalized for all and regulated, you would see savings on all aspects of the justice system, and an emerging revenue source. Yet, for the protection of a few industries, federal and state governments, knowingly or not, would rather:
Incarcerate at taxpayer expense – Deprive all people of a medicine
Ignore the opportunity of industrialized cannabis (JOBS!)
Cannabis use should not be criminalized!
I would ask that the committee NOT SUPPORT:
S.B. No. 1098, AAR THE SALE AND POSSESSION OF SYNTHETIC MARIJUANA AND SALVIA.
While the extracts are unregulated and readily available, the salvia PLANT is safe when used appropriately and that use should be protected. Its legality is called into question because the extracts have been used by some as an alternative to cannabis—the marketers of these extracts would tell you such. The human body has evolved alongside salvia, and we have receptors for the chemical. Lab made extracts are not natural, and don’t have the guarantee of accepted intake.
This is not the first time that users have shifted to a dangerous, but legal, substance because of a criminalized, safe alternative. The crack and methamphetamine came into existence under similar means—a sad, unintended side effect of prohibition. To get to the root of this issue, legislators should sponsor cannabis bills to make available the safe alternative, rather than continue with failed policy and their failing mandates. Please move beyond an outmoded stigma.
Thank you, and sincerely, Daniel Malo
The Quinebaug River, Danielson, Connecticut.
Related post: Historic Aerials: Main St. Over the Quinebaug, Danielson
The Connecticut General Assembly generates a two-year (biennial) budget every odd-numbered year which begins in the Executive Branch, when the governor each state agency to prepare draft budgets for the following biennium. Over several months the governor’s budget office, the Office of Policy & Management (OPM), compiles this information, makes changes, and then works to match the agencies’ spending projections with revenue.
The result, often referred to as the ‘governor’s budget,’ is delivered to the General Assembly in a formal address by the governor in early February. The annual budget address often includes policy initiatives, spending proposals, and vehicles through which additional revenue may be generated. In the address, the governor identifies his priorities for the biennium.
When the legislature convenes, members of the General Assembly go through a similar process. Joint Committees (consisting of state senators and representatives), chiefly, the Finance, Revenue, and Bonding Committee oversee the revenue side of the state budget, which includes fees and taxes. On the spending side, the Appropriations Committee handles matters regarding state agency budgets and other state spending. When the Appropriations and Finance Committees approve a budget, it is often different from the governor’s. The two versions are negotiated into the final budget language and the budget must be voted on and passed by both the House and Senate and signed into law by the governor.
KEY DATES
May through July:
Agencies/commissioners prepare biennial budget projections.
June 30/July 1:
Fiscal Year ends/New Fiscal Year begins.
August 1:
State agencies and commissioners budget request instructions
September 1:
Biennial budget requests due.
September through January:
OPM reviews recommendations and prepares proposed ‘governor’s budget.
February:
Governor transmits budget to General Assembly.
February through May:
General Assembly convenes, holds hearings, debates and makes adjustments.
May through June:
Reconciliation of governor’s budget with General Assembly budget.[1]
SPENDING
State spending is roughly $10,000 per household, while the state debt per capita is $27,539.70.
The current fiscal year projects spending of nearly $3 billion in direct aid to the state’s cities and towns through a variety of grant programs. The vast majority of that funding is channeled through the Education Cost Sharing (ECS) grant to help finance public education. Other primary municipal grant programs include: the Excess Cost Grant, designed to mitigate the high cost of special education mandates; Town Aid Road (TAR) Fund, which helps maintain local streets and roads; and Payments In Lieu of Taxes (PILOT), which compensates local governments for hosting tax-exempt institutions like not-for-profit hospitals and state-owned buildings that don’t pay local property taxes. A popular grant, The Small Town Economic Assistance Program (STEAP) funds economic development, community conservation and quality of life projects in rural and suburban towns.
“Municipal grants are awarded on a sliding scale based upon criteria including the economic status of the city or town, the income level of its residents, and the worthiness of specific infrastructure improvement projects.”
Medicaid accounts for much of Connecticut’s spending and is currently driving a budget shortfall, according to DSS spokesperson David Dearborn. As a result, the biggest cuts are coming from Medicaid to fix that deficit. Governor Dannel Malloy announced $170,444,693 in statewide budget rescissions this past week; $32 million of it is from the Department of Social Services, $8 million from the Department of Education and $1 million from the Department of Economic and Community Development. The biggest cuts from DSS include housing and homeless services which is close to $3 million and $5 million from TANF. However, according to DSS spokesperson David Dearborn the cuts represent real services with real effect on people from Medicaid. Those budget cuts are intended to help slash an estimated $365 million from the state deficit.
Since 1978 Connecticut has had a Budget Reserve Fund, more commonly referred to as the Rainy Day Fund. The fund was created to help close fiscal year-end budget gaps. The Rainy Day Fund is currently depleted, when it was used to help balance the FY 10-11 budget. In the past few years, state government has spent more than $900 million in emergency federal stimulus aid as well as a nearly $1.4 billion emergency budget reserve, and the entirety Rainy Day Fund. Connecticut operates from a common pool that mingles tax revenues, federal grants and receipts from fees and licenses with borrowed funds. With the governor’s approval, state law permits the treasurer’s office to temporarily transfer funds between operating and capital programs, which has done so in emergencies when bills exceed tax and other operating fund receipts.
In regards to the current budget situation, Treasurer Denise Nappier has informed the governor: “For several months I have reported reduced cash levels for the state, particularly within the common cash pool that funds daily operations and circumstances now warrant a contingency plan for ensuring adequate cash resources.” Because of technicalities in state budgeting rules, Comptroller Kevin Lembo’s office could not count the emergency budget cuts ordered by Malloy; in his latest report, Lembo officially certified a $415 million deficit, though he acknowledged that the actual shortfall is probably closer to $290 million.[2] Whenever the comptroller’s office certifies a deficit larger than 1 percent of the general fund ($19.14 billion), state law requires the governor to submit a plan to the legislature. The current threshold is such that it will trigger the statutory requirement, forcing Malloy to present a plan to the General Assembly in special session.[3]
The comptroller attributes much of the shortfall to an increase in Medicaid spending. “Medicaid — the largest single gross appropriation line-item in the budget — is significantly above the budget target,” Lembo said. “Caseload growth continues in the low-income adult program area with the addition of more than 4,000 clients since the start of the fiscal year” causing “double-digit increases [which trend into] this fiscal year, according to data from the Department of Social Services.” Lembo adds that “The fiscal year 2013 budget relied on over $100 million from Medicaid program savings initiatives, many of which have not been implemented to date.” [4]
Rather than raising taxes from the outset, Governor Malloy has made cuts across nearly every agency request that has come his way, and has mandated the adoption of Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP) “In order to improve the state’s accountability for its use of public funds.” Executive Order No. 1, which directed the Secretary of the Office of Policy and Management (OPM) to initiate a process intended to result in the implementation of GAAP, was his first act upon taking office. [5] Malloy has faced criticisms by labor and citizenry for his cuts, but they have come, thus far, on the revenue side, without an increase in taxes. “First we downsized government. Then we cut spending. Then we identified what we need to ask state employees to do. Only when those three processes were complete did we begin to look at revenue.”[6][7]
REFERENCES
[1] http://www.senatedems.ct.gov/Budget.php
[2] http://www.ctmirror.org/story/18344/nappier-seeks-emergency-550m-loan-help-state-pay-its-bills
[3] http://www.ctmirror.org/story/18340/comptroller-raises-deficit-estimate-50-million
[4] http://www.ctmirror.org/story/18340/comptroller-raises-deficit-estimate-50-million
[5] http://www.ct.gov/opm/cwp/view.asp?a=2998&q=477452
[6] http://www.governor.ct.gov/malloy/cwp/view.asp?A=11&Q=474024
[7] http://www.ct.gov/opm/lib/opm/budget/2012_midterm_budget/pdfs/fy2013_sectiona.pdf